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Khan had as much formal power as an internet troll – and often played the part.
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In a sense, then, the war was someone else’s problem. Khan’s cosy relationship with the military, meanwhile, would only come five years later. His party, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), had boycotted the 2008 elections, which meant that it had no presence in parliament.
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He was also remarkably free of responsibility. Given his background as a popular cricketer and a well-known philanthropist, alongside his blunt and uncompromising rhetoric against the ruling elite of Pakistan, Khan was perhaps the most popular figure in Pakistan at the time. Rather than playing a constructive role and preparing the public for a difficult and costly war, Khan did the opposite: he railed against the government and defended the insurgent group. It meant that at the political level at least, if not the public writ large, the country correctly identified the Taliban as a deathly enemy, one that could only be defeated by force.īut Khan stymied any thrust towards aggressive action against the Taliban. Perhaps not coincidentally, all three today are shadows of their former selves.įrom the perspective of pursuing a war against violent extremists, this government make-up was relatively fortuitous. By what in hindsight can only be termed an accident of history, the national government between 20 was led by three parties all more or less ideologically opposed to the TTP – the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), and the Awami National Party (ANP). Not for nothing did he earn the moniker “Taliban Khan”. Khan was the avatar for a deeply sympathetic position towards the Taliban. If all he had done was maintain a rigorous silence during the conflict, Pakistan would have been substantially better off. Today, it is worth remembering what role Khan played during the peak of the Taliban insurgency in Pakistan. Aside from their implications for war and peace, the prime minister’s comments were deeply uncomfortable for those who have not forgotten his role in the bad old days of 2007-2014, when the Taliban brought the state to its knees. Such a deal does not serve Pakistan’s national interests and it will not work because the TTP, like before, is unlikely to abide by its terms. Khan admitted that Islamabad is offering the group a number of rewards – from political amnesty to prisoner releases – in return for laying down arms.
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Following a period of relative dormancy, the TTP has been significantly more active this year. In an interview with Turkish media aired on October 1, Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan revealed that his government is in talks with the Pakistan Taliban (Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan or TTP).